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AUXLANG  May 2000, Week 5

AUXLANG May 2000, Week 5

Subject:

Re: Moving onwards. What's the message?

From:

Charles George Haberl <[log in to unmask]>

Reply-To:

International Auxiliary Languages <[log in to unmask]>

Date:

Mon, 29 May 2000 23:35:02 -0400

Content-Type:

TEXT/PLAIN

Parts/Attachments:

Parts/Attachments

TEXT/PLAIN (149 lines)

        It is important to note that proto-IALs are rarely prestigious,
even when they been adopted for international communication. It is only
after they have been established that they become prestigious for a new
generation.  People are slow to accept change, even when it accompanies
progress.
        The standard model has been to invoke various factors in the
dominance of one language over another: military, political, religious, or
economic.  I feel that this model is unsatisfying for several reasons:

        Military: As Bob pointed out, even though power may flow from the
barrel of a gun, people won't necessarily toe the line.
        Political: Once again, when people disagree with politics, they
simply opt out of the political process (we in America are masters of
this technique).  This includes learning languages for political
reasons.
        Religious: It strikes me that people are generally unacquainted
with the language of their religious texts.  Even in the Middle East, one
of the few places where there exists a true IAL (*), the prestige dialect
of Arabic is considered a difficult subject and the Arabic of the
Quran even more so.  Some of my Saudi friends told me that, after several
years in the States, they find daily newspapers difficult to read.  I have
even heard an Egyptian woman confess that she read the Quran in French.
        Economic: John Wainsborough claims that it is a well known fact
that the language of the Chanceries in the Middle Ages was Italian.  Most
merchants spoke a smattering of it and the British Levant Company hired
Italian translators (for use in the Levant!).  But, the IAL par excellance
was Latin.
        Another good example of the economic supergiant which failed to be
a prestigious internationally is the Phoenicians.  These merchants had a
trading network which extended from Cornwall to Mauretania to India.  Some
even think that they made it to the New World.  They colonized Spain,
Southern France, Ibiza, Corsica, Sardinia, Western Sicily, Malta, Cyprus,
and all of North Africa, from Mauretania to Memphis.  The archives of the
5th c. BCE Murashu Corporation, a banking firm in Nippur, reveal an
unsurprisingly large number of West Semitic (Phoenician, Canaanite, and
Hebrew) names.
        Yet after the conquest of Alexander in the East and Scipio
Africanus in the West, it was as if they disappeared from the earth.
Sure, Alexander had most of the Tyrian nobility crucified and Scipio razed
Carthage to the ground and salted the earth, but even into Late Antiquity
and the time of the Crusades, Phoenician names pop up in the most unusual
places.

        Of course, I'm sure that some may disagree; unfortunatley, I am
not a sociologist, and I am not so well equipt to discuss the world's
current linguistic situation, but I do have some experience with Semitic
IALs which I feel are somewhat applicable here;

> > > 1. Why did akkadian rise to its level of usage?
> >
> > Few alternatives; it co-opted Sumerian.
        Well, I'm not sure myself why Akkadian became quite so important.
From the beginning of recorded history there are Semitic names mentioned
alongside Sumerian names; in the 26th century Akkadian glosses appear
beside Sumerian words, but until the 24th century no connected texts in
Akkadian appear, and it is not until Sargon builds his capital city Akkad
in the 23rd century that a name is associated with the speakers of this
language: Akkadum.
        It probably died out sometime in the latter half of the first
millennium B.C.E., having been replaced by Aramaic, but it continued to
exist as a written language for much longer, into the first few centuries
of the common era.

> > > 2. Why did aramaic do the same in its time?
> >
> > This I don't know at all.
        The origins of Aramaic's rise to power are also shrouded in
mystery.  From the 9th c. B.C.E., reliefs are found in the royal palaces
of the Assyrian rulers depicting two scribes standing side by side
recording the results of a campaign.  One scribe, who is typically
bearded, holds a clay tablet on which he is writing in cuneiform with a
stylus.  The other, clean-shaven, writes with a pen on soft material.
Undoubtedly, one scribe records the campaign using Assyrian, and the other
scribe records it in Aramaic.
        It might be suggested here that the innovation Aramaic and its
alphabet brought to the table was the ability to record more information
at a quicker rate and with less study than Akkadian required.   (Take a
look at Umberto Eco's "Conversazione a Babilonia" in his secondo diario
minimo, which is very relevant to the discussion of the sort of gains each
language has to offer, as well as being very humorous.  I'd even
translate it and post it to the list).
        Fortunately enough, we have a first-person account of the period
immediately preceding Aramaic's rise to power as the lingua franca of the
Middle East.  This was a period of political instability and thus was
rather suited to a change in the status quo.
        Shortly before this letter was written, King Esarhaddon of Assyria
had finally managed to subjugate Babylonia.  The Kingdom of Babylonia was
previously a great independent nation, and chafed under the yoke of
Assyrian hegemony.
        Historically speaking, Mesopotamian empires only lasted as long as
the king who unified them.  After the each king passed away, the component
states usually broke apart and resumed their usual squabbling.  To prevent
just this sort of scenerio occuring in his empire, Esarhaddon devised a
controversial plan (against the advice of his advisors): he would devide
his kingdom in two, bestowing the crowns of Assyria and Babylon upon his
twin sons Ashurbanipal and Shamash-shum-ukin, respectively. In theory this
maintained the fiction of a Babylonian kingdom.  In practice, Ashurbanipal
was the true emperor and Shamash-shum-ukin was little more than a
military governor in Babylon.
        For nearly eighteen years after the death of Esarhaddon, this
arrangement worked.  However, Babylonian nationalism was on the rise,
particularly in the southern cities, and the Aramaean tribes in the south
were becoming more and more restless.  The city-dwelling Babylonians and
the nomadic Aramaeans had very little in common, but they both resisted
Assyrian domination.
        Ashurbanipal suspected his brother of conspiring with the Bit
Amukkani, one of the largest and most powerful Aramaean tribes.  He placed
one of his soldiers, a fellow named Bel-etir, in charge of what can only
be described as an Assyrian version of IMF.  His mission was to
clandestinely track the Assyrian soldiers who have been acting as couriers
in the negotiations between Shamash-shum-ukin and the Bit-Amukkani.
        Somewhere in the remote desert Bel-etir discovered four men
carring a letter which implicated Shamash-shum-ukin in conspiracy with the
Bit-Amukkani.  Later that year (651) open war broke out between Assyria
and Babylonia, with Shamash-shum-ukin leading the combined rebel forces.
The Assyrians routed his army, chased him back to Babylon, and razed his
palace.  Before he could be caught, Shamash-shum-ukin died, possibly by
his own hand.
        Within half a century, the "Chaldeans" or Aramaean tribesmen
would institute their own kingship, align themselves with the Medes, and
conquer Assyria.  At this point the Chaldeans became the kingmakers in
Middle Eastern politics, and it is no surprise that the Persians chose
Aramaic to be one of the three official languages of their empire (the
other two being Elamite and Akkadian).
        So, within fifty short years, the Aramaeans went from nomadic
tribesmen to Emperors.  The most interesting aspect of this whole
situation, though, is that Bel-etir's letter (from which we know these
particulars) is written in Aramaic, despite the fact that he has a
perfectly good Assyrian name.  So, just when did Aramaic become the
vernacular and Akkadian a dead prestige language?  We'll probably never
know, because it is obvious that Aramaic had been the vernacular for
several generations before it became the official language of any empire.
Due to prestige (or lack of prestige) we only know this through the
images found in palace reliefs and personal letters, not through any
official documents or inscriptions.
        To me, this seems to be the trend; new governments tend to
recognize an existing situation, not radically change it.  Likewise, we
know from names in Sumerian documents that Akkadian was spoken centuries
before Sargon formed his empire.  For reasons of prestige, nobody
recognized the use of Akkadian as a vernacular until an Akkadian formed
his own empire.  And, even then, Sumerian continued to be the language of
culture and religion - most Akkadian texts are economic texts or personal
letters.
        Whether this has any bearing on the auxiliary languages of today,
should be for you to decide.  I won't venture to explain koine or latin as
they fall outside my limits as a student of Semitic languages.

-Charles H

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June 2001, Week 5
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February 2001, Week 1
January 2001, Week 5
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January 2001, Week 2
January 2001, Week 1
December 2000, Week 5
December 2000, Week 4
December 2000, Week 3
December 2000, Week 2
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November 2000, Week 5
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November 2000, Week 3
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October 2000, Week 5
October 2000, Week 4
October 2000, Week 3
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October 2000, Week 1
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September 2000, Week 1
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December 1998, Week 5
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