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AUXLANG  January 1998, Week 5

AUXLANG January 1998, Week 5

Subject:

Kreoligho kaj spontanea shanghigho de Esperanto

From:

Allan Kiviaho <[log in to unmask]>

Reply-To:

[log in to unmask]

Date:

Sat, 31 Jan 1998 13:03:49 +0200

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text/plain

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Parts/Attachments

text/plain (445 lines)

Dear Esperantists,
 
Although I don't like to see Esperanto as a common auxlang in the
European Union I send this article (Copyright of J.Lindstedt) of prof.
Jouko Lindstedt.
 
Finland is a strong bastion of Esperanto. We had a famous Esperantist,
Vilho Set=E4l=E4. Esperanto was even taught in a school, where Mr. Set=E4=
l=E4
was a teacher. =
 
 
Today one of the most famous Esperantists in Finland is Mr. Jouko
Lindstedt, professor of slavistica and baltology at the University
of Helsinki. =
 
 
Salutes,
 
Allan Kiviaho
Finlandia
Un Interlinguista (Ex - Esperantista)
 
 
(c) 1997 Jouko Lindstedt
Jouko Lindstedt (Universitato de Helsinko, Departemento pri slavistiko
kaj baltologio)
 
-------------------------------------------------------------------------=
 
Kreoligho kaj spontanea shanghigho de Esperanto
-------------------------------------------------------------------------=
 
 
Esperanto estas artefarita lingvo -- au almenau iam estis. Nuntempe ghi
havas ecojn, kiuj postulas redifini ghian lingvikan statuson. Mi celas
=E6efe jenajn tri:
 
        x La normo de Esperanto estas parte nekodigita, tio estas: oni ne povas
plene lerni ghin per lernolibroj, gramatikoj kaj vortaroj, sed nur
partoprenante en la parolkomunumo.
 
        x  En Esperanto okazas spontaneaj shanghoj, kiuj ne originas el decidoj
de la lingvoflegado, sed estas enkodigataj nur post kiam ili jam okazis
(se entute).
 
      x  Esperanto havas denaskajn parolantojn.
 
Chi tiujn trajtojn oni povas rigardi kiel signojn de tio, ke Esperanto
iom post iom proksimighas al la kategorio, kiu en lingviko estas kutime
nomata "natura lingvo". La termino mem estas problema, shar shiuj
lingvoj estas ja sociaj konvencioj; biologie determinita, kaj tiusence
"natura", estas nur la ghenerala lingvokapablo de la homo (Aronoff,
manuskr.). John Lyons (1991: 46-72) distingas kvar malsamajn sencojn de
la termino "natura" en lingviko, sed efektive trovas por ghi nenian
difinon, kiu distingus Esperanton ekzemple de la finna (pgh. 69). Sed
iumaniere la statuso de Esperanto shanghighadas ghuste nun, kaj en shi
tiu artikolo mi prezentos observojn pri tio, kian rolon en shi tiu
procezo havas unuflanke la denaskaj parolantoj, aliflanke la
parolkomunumo.
 
La plej grava eco de natura lingvo estas, lau la opinio de la plej
multaj lingvistoj, la ekzisto de denaskaj parolantoj. Socilingvike ili
estas la bazo de la parolkomunumoj de la ordinaraj lingvoj;
psihholingvike la pruvo de la natureco de lingva strukturo estas, ke oni
povas alproprigi la lingvon en la normala lingvoakira procezo de frua
infaneco.
 
La unua konata kazo de Esperanto kiel denaska lingvo estas el la 1919a
jaro, kaj post tiam la nombro de la denaskaj Esperant-lingvanoj kreskis
iom post iom (Corsetti 1996). Lau mia propra takso ilia nombro estas sh.
1000, sed temas pri proksimuma diveno surbaze de diversaj mankhavaj
fontoj.
 
Male ol oni ghenerale kredas, la pli granda parto el la denaskaj
Esperant-lingvanoj ne naskighis en hejmoj, kie la gepatroj havas
malsamajn denaskajn lingvojn kaj pro tio komunikighas inter si
Esperante. Tiam ambau gepatroj plej ofte parolas al la infano sian
propran denaskan lingvon, kaj la infano eble lernas Esperanton nur
pasive. Estas vere, ke multaj tiaj familioj elpensis sukcesajn sistemojn
de trilingva edukado, kaj la infano povas do akiri Esperanton ankau
aktive. Pli ol duono el la denaskaj Esperant-lingvanoj devenas tamen el
familioj, kie la gepatroj havas saman denaskan lingvon, sed unu el ili,
plej ofte la patro, parolas al la infano nur Esperante ekde la naskigho
(Corsetti 1996: 266). Lau la klasifiko de Romaine (1995: 185, 198-203)
temas pri infana dulingveco de la "tipo 5", kies plej konata
priskribanto estas Saunders (1988). En shi tiu tipo unu el la gepatroj
transdonas al sia infano lingvon, kiu estas nek la denaska lingvo de la
gepatro mem nek la lingvo de la medio.
 
Se la homa infano posedas specife lingvan kapablon biologie (genetike)
determinitan, tiel nomatan universalan gramatikon (UG), estas interesa
demando, shu infanoj akirantaj Esperanton shanghas tiun shi denaskan
lingvon sian. Ekzemple Pinker (1995: 39) kaj Bickerton (1991: 38) ja
asertis, ke jam unu infano povas kreoligi lingvon, kio lau ili signifas
igi sistemon kontrauan al UG konforma al ghi. Surbaze de la informoj,
kiujn mi ghis nun kolektis, shajnas esti tiel, ke (i) infano akiranta
Esperanton ne shanghas ties strukturon en iu sistema maniero kaj (ii) la
denaskaj Esperant-lingvanoj kiel plenkreskuloj neniel diferencas de
aliaj fluaj parolantoj, almenau suprajhe.
 
Estas malfacile prezenti pli precizajn konkludojn, shar oni kolektis tre
malmulte da materialo pri infanoj akirantaj Esperanton. shar ili ankau
shiam estas dulingvaj au trilingvaj, estas malfacile interpreti esh la
malmultan materialon ekzistantan. Por la interrilato de Esperanto kaj la
universala gramatiko, la plej interesa kazo konata al mi estas la
familio de brito Ian Fantom kaj nederlandanino-britino Helen Fantom kun
la infanoj Gavan, Rolf kaj Petra, al kiuj ambau gepatroj parolis nur
Esperanton en frua infaneco. La patrino Helen mem estas denaska
parolanto, kaj ankau shiaj frato kaj gepatroj parolis Esperante kun
shiaj infanoj. Ian disponigis al mi siajn notojn pri la lingva evoluo de
la infanoj. Specialan pozicion havas la unua infano Gavan, kiu eldiris
siajn unuajn anglalingvajn frazojn nur en la agho de tri jaroj, lerninte
la lingvon shefe de siaj patraj geavoj, kaj komencis hejme paroli la
anglan apud Esperanto nur kiel kvinjarulo, post la enlernejigho.
 
La sola sistema apartajho en la lingvo de eta Gavan, kompare kun
plenkreskula Esperanto, estis la uzo de la tiel nomata akuzativa finajho
-n kvazau kiel aparta vorto. Ekzemplojn de shi tiu fenomeno la patro
notis dum kelkaj jaroj:
 
 
(1) GF (2;10)
    Paghoj [pauzeto] n oni turnas.
    'Paghojn oni turnas.'
 
(2) GF (2;11)
    Ribsukon.
    'Ribsukon!'
    [Patrino demandas: Kion pri ribsuko?]
    N.
    'Donu!'(?)
 
(3) GF (4;1)
    Pashjo purigis la risorto [pauzeto] nRolf.
    'Pashjo purigis la risorton, Rolf.'
 
 
Tamen, la patro notis sporadajn apartigojn de finajhoj ankau en la frua
angla lingvo de Gavan; kaj aliflanke, la pli ofta uzo de gramatikaj
morfemoj kiel leksikaj estas konstanta tendenco ankau en plenkreskula
Esperanto, kvankam ghi ankorau ne atingis la finajhon -n.
 
Resume, Esperanto estas evidente normale alproprigebla kiel denaska
lingvo, kvankam ghia iniciatinto L. L. Zamenhof (1887) konis nenian
modernan teorion pri universala gramatiko. Tiu, kiu kredas je biologie
determinita UG, devas klarigi shi tion atentigante, ke shar Zamenhof
tamen deiris de lingvoj ekzistantaj, iliaj trajtoj konformaj al UG
transiris rekte en Esperanton. Sed tio indikas almenau, ke la principoj
de UG ne povas esti tre abstraktaj au malfacile observeblaj -- male ol
oni asertas en la shomski-a tradicio.
 
La denask-igho de lingvoj estas studata plej multe en la kreola
lingviko. Lau la tradicia koncepto, kreola lingvo estas ja pighino, kiu
akiris denaskajn parolantojn kaj per tio ekhavis pli multflankan
strukturon. Bickerton (1981) disvolvis tiun tezon plej audace asertante,
ke ghuste en la denaskigho, ligita al la ekesto de la kreolaj lingvoj,
plej pure evidentighas la speci-specifa "bio-programo" (biologia
programo) de la homo, determinanta la strukturan kernon de la natura
lingvo.
 
En la moderna kreoliko (ekz. Romaine 1988, Arends & al. 1995) tio estas
tamen minoritata opinio. Efektive, trovighas neniaj pruvoj pri la
supozata pli frua pighina stadio de la plej multaj modernaj
kreollingvoj. Krome, studoj pri angla-vortaraj pighinaj kaj kreolaj
lingvoj de la Pacifika areo montris, ke por la disvolvigho kaj
multflankigho de la strukturo de pighino plej gravas la pozicio de tiu
lingvo kiel la centra komunikilo de iu komunumo, ne tiom la nombro de la
denaskaj parolantoj (Jourdan 1991). Jourdan kaj Keesing (aperonta)
skribas, surbaze de materialo kolektita en Salomon-Insuloj dum 30 jaroj:
"pidgins can be very elaborate codes even before they become the mother
tongue of children, and [...] this elaboration is the result of the
linguistic creativity of the adults" (mia tr.: "pighinoj povas esti tre
disvolvitaj kodoj jam antau ol ili farighas la gepatra lingvo de
infanoj, kaj shi tiu disvolvigho rezultas el la lingva kreemo de la
plenkreskuloj"). La lingvo de la urbanoj, kiuj uzas pighinon por
interparoli pri plej diversaj temoj, klare diferencas de la kampara
pighino kun malpli multaj uzoj, sed en la urbo ne trovighas signifaj
diferencoj inter la lingvo de la unua denaska generacio kaj tiu de iliaj
gepatroj.
 
Do, denaskigho estas nur unu parto de la kreoligho, kiu estas malsimpla
socia procezo. Simile, en Esperanto la normo natura, t.e. sendependa de
enkodigoj, ekestis ne pro la apero de denaskaj parolantoj, sed danke al
la pliintensigho de la internaj kontaktoj en la tuta diaspora
parolkomunumo: la plimultigho de la vojaghado, la rapida kvanta kresko
de beletra literaturo, la popularigho de mallong-ondaj radielsendoj kaj,
lastatempe, la disvastigho de Interreto.
 
Estas malfacile taksi la grandecon de la Esperanta parolkomunumo kaj
difini ghiajn limojn, shar personoj lernintaj Esperanton tre malsimilas
inter si rilate sian lingvoscion kaj la oftecon de la aktiva uzo de la
lingvo. Kvankam en la mondo devas trovighi milionoj da homoj, kiuj iam
provis lerni Esperanton, lau mia takso nur sh. 100 000 personoj plutenis
ian aktivan kontakton kun la lingvo. El tiuj siavice nur sh. 10 000
parolas la lingvon tiel flue, ke ilia lingvoscio estas pli-malpli
komparebla kun la intuo de denaska parolanto. Kvankam neniu esploris la
aferon, la komuna sperto de la esperant-lingvanoj indikas, ke en shi tiu
grupo de fluaj parolantoj konsiderinde multas tiuj, kiuj lernis la
lingvon plej malfrue dum la adoleskaj jaroj. Mi hipotezas, ke la
spontaneaj shanghoj de Esperanto estas iniciatataj ghuste en shi tiu
grupo de dek mil lingvanoj, el kiuj la denaskaj konsistigas do maksimume
10 centonojn -- efektive multe malpli, shar pluraj denaskaj parolantoj
kiel plenkreskuloj ne plu konservas aktivan kontakton kun la lingvo.
 
Oni ne multe studis la spontaneajn shanghojn de Esperanto,
komencighintajn en la parolkomunumo mem. Parte tio shuldighas al
subjektivaj sintenoj: por multaj lingvistoj spontanea shanghigho en
Esperanto estas apriore neebla, por multaj esperantistoj ghi reprezentas
kontraubatalendan degeneron de la lingvo. Krome, shar Esperanto aghas
nur 110 jarojn, multaj shanghoj estas ankorau en embria stato, sekve oni
ne povas observi ilin nur helpe de vortaroj kaj gramatikoj. Mi mem
surprizighis, legante por shi tiu studo kelkajn difinojn en la plej
autoritata vortaro de la lingvo (PIV): ili simple ne konformas al la
nuna uzo (esh ne shiam kun la efektiva uzo en la tempo, kiam la unua
eldono de PIV aperis).
 
La plej bona aperinta studo pri la temo estas tiu de Piron (1989a). (Sed
bedaurinde mi ankorau ne povis atingi la disertajhon de Beno=EEt Philippe=
 
pri la temo.) La artikolo de Sakaguchi (1996) estas teorie interesa, sed
datene iom nefidinda. shi-sube mi donos ekzemplojn nur de tiaj shanghoj
kaj tendencoj, kiujn eblas konstati relative nekontesteble.
 
1. Fonologio
        x  la stabiligho kaj disvastigho de relative klare difinebla, sed
ankorau nekodigita elparola normo dum la lastaj jardekoj
        x
        x  la shanghigho de la fonemo /hh/ [x] > /k/, precipe post /r/: arhhivo
> arkivo; ankau ekz. hhemio > kemio, sed ne egale ofte en shiuj vortoj (e=
kzemple plu oni ofte audas hhaoso por la esprimivo de la vorto, same ehho=
 pro la ekzisto de la minimuma parajho eko)
        x
2. Morfologio
        x  malpli vasta uzo de la aspektaj afiksoj: ek- 'komenca, momenta' >
'komenca'; -ad- 'imperfektivo' estas nune uzata nur por emfazi ripeton
au dauron (la sekva frazo de Zamenhof estas jam klare arkaika: Kiam mi
venis al li, li finadis sian laboron 'Kiam mi venis al li, li estis
finanta sian laboron')
        x
        x  pli vasta uzo de nula derivado (konversio): el kant-em-a oni pli
frue derivis la nomon de la kvalito kant-em-ec-o, nune oni preskau shiam
diras kant-em-o; kp. ankau kun mal-facil-a, donanta antaue nur
mal-facil-ec-o, nun ankau mal-facil-o
        x
        x  sintezaj lokesprimoj:
        x lokativaj: sur (la) planko > surplanke; sur (la) tero > surtere; en
(la) trajno > entrajne; en la akvo > enakve
        x =
 
        x ilativaj: en (la) restoracion > restoracien; en/sur (la) liton >
liten; al Parizo (Parizon, en Parizon) > Parizen
        x
        x
3. Sintakso
        x  La uzo de adjektivoj kiel verboj anstatau la konstruo "kopulo +
adj.", ekzemple:
 Tio ne estas grava. > Tio ne gravas (la dua frazo estas jam pli kutima
ol la unua).
 La demando estas malfacila. > La demando malfacilas.
 Estas konstateble, ke ... > Konstateblas, ke ...
 Sed plej ofte ne eblas diri ekzemple:
 La auto estas rugha > ?La auto rughas (povas esti ebla en iom alia
senco).
        x
        x La uzo de infinitivo post la prepozicio sen: la adverban
participkonstruon ne vidante ghin anstatauas sen vidi ghin; la modelo
estas por vidi ghin; ekzemple post vidi ghin estas ankorau neofta
(kutime oni uzas adverban participon: vidinte ghin au tutan propozicion
kun la subordigilo post kiam)
        x
4. Semantiko
        x  ami 'havi grandan inklinon al; plezure fari au uzi', shati 'rigardi
kiel valoran' > ami 'havi grandan inklinon al', shati 'plezure fari au
uzi' (kiel postrestajho de la malnova uzo kelkfoje ankorau alte shati
'rigardi kiel tre valoran')
        x
        x  klopodi 'maltrankvile zorgi, fari penojn' > 'peni sukcesi, provi';
kiel she shati, la nova signifo estas sintakse videbla per tio, ke
infinitiva komplemento farighis ebla (en PIV trovighas ne esh unu
ekzemplo de shati + inf. au klopodi + inf.!). Sed precipe en la pluralo
la substantivo klopodo(j) ankorau signifas 'penoj, zorgoj, streboj',
malpli ofte 'provoj'.
        x
        x  okazo 'tio kio okazas; aparta cirkonstanco; aparte studinda situacio
au manifestigho', kazo 'fleksio montranta sintaksan rilaton' > okazo
'tio kio okazas; aparta cirkonstanco', kazo 'aparte studinda situacio au
manifestigho; fleksio montranta sintaksan rilaton'
        x
5. Leksiko
        x  krokodili 'paroli alian lingvon ol Esperanton inter
Esperant-lingvanoj'; la etimologio estas jam nekonata por ordinara
parolanto (sed klarigita en EVE s.v.).
        x
        x  fiki 'sekskunighi' (triv.); ankau aliaj priseksaj vortoj shiutagaj,
trivialaj au shercaj, ekzemple ge-dorm-i 'tranokti kune por amori' (la
prefikso ge- origine ligighis nur al substantivoj, ekz. ge-frat-o-j)
        x
 
 
Kvankam la Esperanta parolkomunumo konsistas shefe el dualingvaj
parolantoj, almenau la shi-supraj shanghoj aspektas tre similaj al tiaj,
kiuj okazas en la denaskulaj parolkomunumoj de aliaj lingvoj. Kiel en
lingvoj pighinaj kaj kreolaj, la shanghighon evidente kauzas la uzo en
la komunumo (kvankam tiu de Esperanto estas diaspora), ne la lingvoakira
procezo de la infano.
 
Kiel Versteegh (1993) atentigas, la plej proksima socilingvika
paralelajho de la ekesto de la denaskaj Esperant-lingvanoj eble estas
tute ne kreoligho, sed la re-denaskigo de la hebrea lingvo. Ambaukaze
temas ja pri plene intenca eduka decido fare de gepatroj kun alta
konscio prilingva. Kiam la unua denaska parolanto de la moderna hebrea
naskighis en la 1882-a jaro, lia situacio estis simila al tiuj infanetoj
akirantaj Esperanton, kies gepatroj ne mem regas la lingvon denaske: la
eta Ben-Zion Ben Yehuda neniel povis profiti el tio, ke la hebrea antau
unu kaj duona jarmilo jam estis ies gepatra lingvo. La priskribo fare de
Fellman (1973: 37-40) pri la unua hebrelingva familio de la moderna
epoko fakte montras, ke la gepatroj en tiu familio estis en konsiderinde
pli malbona pozicio ol la nuntempaj Esperantaj gepatroj el la vidpunkto
ekzemple de la establitaj nomoj por shiutagaj objektoj au la ricevebleco
de infanlibroj.
 
La shangho en la lingvika statuso de la hebrea estis tamen pli radikala
ol en tiu de Esperanto, kion kauzis unuflanke la fakto, ke la hebrean
subtenis geografie kompakta parolkomunumo kaj poste ankau shtato,
aliflanke tio, ke la Esperanto-movado -- kiu koncepte tamen ne egalas al
la Esperanta parolkomunumo -- neniam rigardis la plimultighon de la
denaskaj parolantoj kiel centran celon. Krome, la revivigantoj de la
hebrea ofte celis eduki siajn infanojn kiel plene unulingvajn, dum la
gepatroj transdonantaj Esperanton al siaj infanoj shiam celas al
dulingveco au trilingveco.
 
Fontoj
Arends, Jacques & Muysken, Pieter & Smith, Norval (red.). 1995. Pidgins
and creoles: An introduction. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
(Creole Language Library, 15.)
 
Aronoff, Mark (manuskripto). Natural language.
 
Bickerton, Derek. 1981. Roots of language. Ann Arbor: Karoma.
 
Bickerton, Derek. 1990. Language & species. Chicago & London: University
of Chicago Press.
 
Bickerton, Derek. 1991. On the supposed "gradualness" of creole
development. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 6:1, pgh. 25-58.
 
Corsetti, Renato. 1996. A mother tongue spoken mainly by fathers.
Language Problems and Language Planning 20,3, pgh. 263-273.
 
Duc Goninaz, Michel (red.). 1987. Studoj pri la internacia lingvo. Gent:
AIMAV.
 
EVE =3D Vilborg, Ebbe. 1989-. Etimologia vortaro de Esperanto I-. Malm=F6=
:
Eldona Societo Esperanto.
 
Fellman, Jack. 1973. The revival of a classical tongue: Eliezer Ben
Yehuda and the Modern Hebrew Language. The Hague & Paris: Mouton.
(Contributions to the Sociology of Language, 6.)
 
Forster, Peter G. 1982. The Esperanto movement. The Hague & al.: Mouton.
(Contributions to the Sociology of Language, 32.)
 
Janton, Pierre. 1993. Esperanto: language, literature, and community.
Translated and updated from the French and Esperanto versions by
Humphrey Tonkin, Jane Edwards, and Karen Johnson-Weiner. Albany: SUNY
Press.
 
Jourdan, Christine. 1991. Pidgins and creoles: The blurring of
categories. Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 20, pgh. 187-209.
 
Jourdan, Christine & Keesing, Roger (aperonta). From Fisin to Pijin:
Creolization in process in the Solomon Islands. Language in Society
26,3.
 
Lyons, John. 1991. Natural language and universal grammar. (Essays in
linguistic theory, vol. I.) Cambridge & al.: Cambridge University Press.
 
Pinker, Steven. 1995 (1994). The language instinct. New York: Harper
Perennial. [La unua eldono en 1994 she W. Morrow and Co.]
 
Piron, Claude. 1989a. A few notes on the evolution of Esperanto. Pgh.
129-142 en Schubert (red.) 1989.
 
Piron, Claude. 1989b. Who are the speakers of Esperanto? Pgh. 157-172 en
Schubert (red.) 1989.
 
PIV =3D Waringhien, Gaston (red.). 1987. Plena ilustrita vortaro de
Esperanto. Paris: Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda. [2-a eldono; 1-a eldono en
1970.]
 
Romaine, Suzanne. 1988. Pidgin and creole languages. London & New York:
Longman.
 
Romaine, Suzanne. 1995. Bilingualism. [2-a eldono; 1-a eldono en 1989.]
Oxford & Cambridge: Blackwell.
 
Sakaguchi, Alicja. 1996. Die Dichtomie "k=FCnstlich" vs. "nat=FCrlich" un=
d
das historische Ph=E4nomen einer funktionierenden Plansprache. Language
Problems and Language Planning 20,1, pgh. 18-38.
 
Saunders, George. 1988. Bilingual children: From birth to teens.
Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
 
Schubert, Klaus. 1989. An unplanned development in planned languages: A
study of word grammar. Pgh. 249-274 en Schubert (red.) 1989.
 
Schubert, Klaus (red.). 1989. Interlinguistics: Aspects of the science
of planned languages. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter. (Trends in
Linguistics, Studies and Monographs, 42.)
 
Versteegh, K. 1993. Esperanto as a first language: Language acquisition
with a restricted input. Linguistics 31, pgh. 539-555.
 
Wood, Richard. 1979. A voluntary, non-ethnic, non-territorial speech
community. Pgh. 433-450 en W. F. Mackay & J. Omstein (red.),
Sociolinguistic studies in language contact. The Hague & al.: Mouton.
 
Wood, Richard. 1987. The development of standard phonology in Esperanto.
Pgh. 58-78 en Duc Goninaz (red.) 1987.
 
[Zamenhof, L. L.] Dr =C8speranto. 1887. Mejhdunarodnyj jazyk. Predislovie=
 
i polnyj ushebnik. Varshava: Tipo-Litografija H. Kel'tera. [Reaperigita
i.a. en ludovikologia dokumentaro I: unuaj libroj, Kioto 1991.
Esperantlingva traduko aperigita en Zamenhof PV 1.]
 
Zamenhof PV =3D iam kompletigota plena verkaro de l. l. zamenhof 1-10-bis=
=2E
Kioto 1973-1990.
Fonto neeldonita
La notoj de Ian Fantom pri la lingva evoluo de liaj infanoj. La infanoj:
Gavan Fantom (GF), nask. 19 aprilo 1979; Rolf Fantom, nask. 23 novembro
1980; Petra Fantom, nask. 19 julio 1983. Uzataj kun la afabla permeso de
la koncernatoj.
 
Esperanto Studies Home Page
http://infoweb.magi.com/~mfettes/studies.html
 
La hejmpagho de Jouko Lindstedt =
 
http://www.helsinki.fi/~jslindst/

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