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AUXLANG  February 1998, Week 4

AUXLANG February 1998, Week 4

Subject:

Creolisation e cambios spontanee in Esperanto

From:

Kjell Rehnström <[log in to unmask]>

Reply-To:

International Auxiliary Languages <[log in to unmask]>

Date:

Sun, 22 Feb 1998 23:33:14 +0300

Content-Type:

text/plain

Parts/Attachments:

Parts/Attachments

text/plain (461 lines)

Original: Kreoligho kaj spontanea shanghigho de Esperanto
 
Un ration pro iste traduction a interlingua es que il habeva personas in le
lista auxlang qui non poteva leger le version esperanto sin pena. Il es mi
sperantia que iste traduction essera un adjuta in comprender le texto del
original. Un altere ration es que iste traduction in interlingua da un bon
occation comparar le duo linguas. Omne critica es benvenite. Pro non crear
congestion in le lista vos pote scriber a mi adresse personal e non al
lista. Polemica naturalmente al lista!
Bon lectura!
 
 
(c) 1997 Jouko Lindstedt
Jouko Lindstedt, Helsingin yliopisto, slavistiikan ja baltologian
laitos (Le instituto (departamento) de slavistica e baltologia del
Universitate de Helsinki.
 
Le traduction es facite secundo le version esperanto. In certe casos io ha
observate le version finnese.
 
Creolisation e cambio spontanee in esperanto.
Esperanto es un lingua artificial - o al minus olim lo era. In nostre
tempore illo ha caracteristicas que postula que on redefini su status
linguistic. Ecce le tres caracteristicas principal que me interessa:
 
>       =9F Le norma de esperanto es partialmente non-codificate, i.e.: on
>non pote plenmente apprender lo per manuales, grammaticas e dictionarios
>sin le participation in le communitate de parlatores.
>
        =9F  In esperanto il occurre cambios spontanee, que non ha su origine
in decissiones del cultivation del lingua sed es incodificate solo post
factum, (si de toto).
 
        =9F  Il existe native parlatores de esperanto.
 
On pote reguardar iste tractos como signos del facto que esperanto
gradualmente se approxima al cathegoria, que on in le linguistica sole
nominar "linguas natural". Le termino mesme es problematic. viste que omne
linguas es - como on ben sape -  conventiones sociologic, biologicamente
determinate, e in iste senso lo sol "natural" es solmente le capacitate
lingual general del humano (Aronoff, manuscripto). John Lyons (1991:46-72)
face le distinction de quatro diverse sensos del termino "natural" in le
linguistica, ma realmente non trova nulle definition, qui distingerea
esperanto , pro exemplo, del finnese (vide p. 69). Ma in un certe modo le
stato de esperanto es in le processo de cambiar se justo nunc, e in iste
articulo io presentara observationes concernente isto, le rolo in iste
processo del native parlatores al un latere e le communitate de parlatores
al altere.
 
Le characteristica le plus importante de un lingua natural es, secundo le
opinion del majoritate de linguistas, le existentia de parlatores native.
In consideration sociolinguistic illes constitue le base del communitates
de parlatores del linguas ordinari; psycholinguisticamente le proba del
naturalitate de un structura lingual es que on pote acquirer le lingua per
le processo de acquisition de un lingua in le prime annos de infantia.
 
Le prime cognoscite caso de esperanto como un lingua native es del anno
1919, e depost iste tempore le numero de parlatores native de esperanto ha
crescite gradualmente (Corsetti 1996). Secundo mi evaluation su numero es
circa 1 000, ma il se tracta de un approximation basate in fontes
inaccurate.
 
Contrariemente al conviction general, le major parte del
esperanto-parlantes ab nascentia non nasceva in familias ubi le parentes
habeva differente linguas maternal, e pro isto communicava in esperanto. In
iste caso ambe le parentes plus frequentemente parlaava al infantes in su
proprie lingua maternal, e le infante forsan apprendeva esperanto solo
passivemente. Il es ver que multe tal familias ha ingeniate  successose
systemas de education trilingue, e le infante pote tunc activemente
acquirer etiam esperanto. Plus que le medietate del esperanto-parlantes
tamen proveni ex familias, ubi le parentes ha le mesme lingua maternal, sed
un de illes - plus sovente le patre -  parla al infante solo in esperanto
desde le nascimento (Corsetti 1996:266). Secundo le classification de
Romaine (1995:185,198-203) il se tracta de bilinguismo infantil del "typo
5" cuje plus cognoscite descriptor es Saunders (1988). In iste typo un del
parentes transfere a su infante un lingua, que non es le lingua maternal
del parente mesme, ni le lingua del ambiente.
 
In le caso que le infante human possede un si nominate grammatica universal
(GU), i.e. un capabilitate specificamente lingual, biologicamente
(geneticamente) determinate, le question interessante es si infantes
habente acquirite esperanto ab nascentia, cambia ille su lingua native.
Pro exemplo Pinker (1995:39) e Bickerton (1991:38) de facto aserta que un
infante jam pote creolisar un lingua, lo que secundo illes significa
conformar un systema non-conforme al GU. Judicante del informationes que io
ha colligite usque nunc, il sembla apparer que (i) un infante acquirente
esperanto non cambia le structura del lingua in alcun modo systematic e
(ii) le native parlatores de esperanto, como adultes, in nulle modo es
differente de altere personas fluentemente parlante esperanto, al minus non
superficialmente.
 
Il es difficile presentar conclusiones plus precise, viste que on ha
colligite multo pauc material concernente infantes acquirante esperanto.
Pro le facto que le infantes sempre es bi- o trilingue, il es etiam
difficile interpretar le pauc material existente. Pro le relation mutual
inter esperanto e le grammatica universal, le caso le plus interessante que
io cognosce, es le familia del britannico Ian Fantom e le
nederlandese-britannica Helen Fantom con le infantes Gavan, Rolf e Petra,
al quales le ambe parentes parlava solmente esperanto in le prime infantia.
Le matre Helen ipse es parlante native de esperanto e etiam su  fratre e
parentes de illa parlava esperanto al infantes. Ian ha date su notas
concernente le evolution del infantes a mi disposition. Le prime infante
Gavan ha un position special. Ille pronunciava su prime phrases in anglese
primo in le etate de tres annos, habente apprendite le lingua
principalmente de su granpatres paternal, e comenciava parlar le anglese a
casa, al latere de esperanto, solo in le etate de cinque annos, post
habente comenciate le schola.
 
Le sol tracto apparte in le lingua del parve Gavan, in comparation con le
esperanto de adultos, era le uso del si nominate suffixo del accusativo -n-
quasi un parola independente. Le patre notava exemplos de iste fenomeno
durante alcun annos.:
>
>(1) GF (2;10)
>    Paghoj [pauzeto] n oni turnas.
>    'Paghojn oni turnas.'
Paginas (pausa) + (suffixo del accusativo) on torna.
 
>(2) GF (2;11)
>    Ribsukon.
>    'Ribsukon!'
>    [Patrino demandas: Kion pri ribsuko?]
>    N.
>    'Donu!'(?)
Succo de ribes (con le suffixo del accusativo)
'Succo de ribes!'
[Le matre quere: "Que cosa re le succo de ribes?"]
[Suffixo del accusativo como parola independente]
'Da! '(?)
 
>(3) GF (4;1)
>    Pashjo purigis la risorto [pauzeto] nRolf.
>    'Pashjo purigis la risorton, Rolf.'
Papa, il purificava le resorto (pausa) [suffixo del accusativo como parola
independente] Rolf.
'Il era Rolf qui purificava le resorto.'
 
Nonobstante, le patre notava sporadic disjunctiones de suffixos etiam in le
prime lingua anglese de Gavan; e del altere latere, le plus frequente uso
de morphemas grammatic como lexical es un tendentia constante etiam in le
esperanto del adultos, quanquam illo ancora non ha attingite le suffixo -n.
 
Summariemente esperanto pote evidentemente esser acquirite como lingua
native, quanquam su initiator L. L. Zamenhof (in 1887*) cognosceva nulle
theoria moderne de grammatica universal. Illes qui crede in un grammatica
universal, biologicamente determinite, debe explicar isto, prestante
attention al facto que viste que Zamenhof habeva su puncto de exito in
linguas existente, su tractos de illos, essente conforme al grammatica
universal (UG) transiva directemente a esperanto. Ma isto al minus indica
que le principios de UG non pote esser multo abstracte o solo difficilmente
observabile - contradictoriemente al allegationes in le tradition de
Chomsky.
 
Le processo in le qual linguas deveni idiomas native es al maxime parte
studiate in le creolistica (linguistica creol). Secundo le concepto
traditional, un lingua creol es un pidgin habente acquirite parlatores
native e ha in iste maniera obtenite un structura plus multilateral.
Bickerton (1981) disveloppava iste these in un modo le plus audace
assertante que le bio-programma, le programma biologic le plus
genero-specific del humano, determinante le nucleo structural del lingua
natural, se face evidente plus purmente, justo in le nativisation ligate al
apparition de linguas creol.
 
In le creolistica moderne (pro exemplo Romaine 1988, Arends & al. 1995)
isto es tamen un opinion minoritari. De facto il ha nulle evidentia del
supponate anterior stadio pidgin del majoritate de linguas creol moderne.
Salvo isto, le studio de linguas pigdin e creol a un vocabulario anglese in
le area del Pacifico ha indicate que le position de ille lingua como le
medio de communication de un certe communitate es plus importante, non
tanto le numero de parlatores native (Jourdan 1991). Jourdan e Keesing
(publication futur) scribe sur le base de material colligite in le Insulas
Salomon durante 30 annos: "pidgins can be very elaborate codes even before
they become the mother tongue of children, and [...] this elaboration is
the result of the linguistic creativity of the adults" (In le original
seque le traduction del passage a esperanto facte del autor: Traduction in
interlingua de KjR: Pidgins pote esser codices multo elaborate mesmo ante
que illos deveni le lingua maternal de infantes, e [...] iste elaboration
es le resultato del creativitate linguistic del adultos") Le lingua del
urbanos qui usas le pidgin pro conversar re themas le plus variate,
clarmente differe del pidgin del population rural con minus de occationes
de uso ma in le urbe on non incontra differentias de signification inter le
linguas del generation nativemente parlante le lingua e le lingua del
parentes.
 
Ergo, le nativisation es solo un parte del creolisation, que es un processo
social complicate. Similemente, in esperanto le norma natural, i.e.
independente del incodicationes, appareva non a causa del apparition de
parlatores native, sed gratias al le augmentate intensification del
contactos interne in le tote communitate de parlatores diasporic: le
crescimento del viages, le rapide crescimento rquantitative de litteratura
belle, le popularisation de radioemisiones a undas curte e, recentemente,
le divulgation del internet (le interrete).
 
Il es difficile evaluar le granditate del communitate de
esperanto-parlantes e definir su limes, viste que personas apprendente
esperanto es omnes multo dissimile in relation al maestria del lingua e le
frequentia de uso active del lingua. Quanquam il debe exister milliones de
homines, qui jam ha tentate apprender esperanto, secundo mi evaluation solo
circa 100.000 personas ha continuate mantener un contacto active con le
lingua. Ancora solo 10 000 ex illes parla le lingua tanto fluentemente que
su cognoscentia lingual es plus o minus comparabile al intuition de un
parlator native. Malgrado que necuno ha recercate le cosa, le experientia
commun del personas de lingua esperanto indica que in iste gruppo de
personas fluentemente parlante le lingua il ha considerabilemente multe
tales qui apprendeva le lingua le maximo tarde durante le annos de
adolescentia. Mi hypothesis es, que le cambios spontanee in esperanto ha
essite initiate justemente in iste grupppo de dece mil parlatores del
lingua ex le quales le parlatores native constitue 10 per cento - in
realitate multo minus, viste que plure parlatores native non plus mantene
un contacto active con le lingua.
>
Le cambios spontanee de esperanto, comenciante in le communitate ipse de
parlatores, non ha essite multo studiate. Partialmente isto se debita a
attitudes subjective: pro multe linguistas cambios spontanee in esperanto a
priori es un impossibilitate e pro multe esperantistas isto representa un
degeneration del lingua le qual merita resistentia. Viste que esperanto
salvo isto ha solmente 110 annos, multe cambios es ancora in un stato
initial pro qual cosa on non pote observar los solo per le adjuta de
dictionarios e grammaticas. Io ipse era multo surprendite, legente pro iste
studio alcun definitiones in le dictionario le plus autoritative del lingua
(PIV): illos simplemente non conforma al uso  hodierne (non mesmo sempre al
uso real in le tempore quando le prime edition del PIV era publicate).
 
Le optime publicate studio del thema es illo de Piron (1989). (Ma
regrettabilemente io ancora non ha potite attinger le disertation de Beno=EE=
t
Philippe in re le thema.) Le articolo de Sakaguchi (1996) es teoreticamente
interessante sed non merita confidentia quanto al datos presentate. Ci
infra io donara exemplos solo de tal cambios e tendentias que on pote
constatar ossibile constatar relativemente irrefutabilemente.
 
1. Phonologia
        =9F  le stabilisation e divulgation de un relative clarmente
definibile sed ancora non-codificate norma (standard) de pronunciation
durante le ultime decennios.
>       =9F  cambio del phonema [h^ =3D x] > [k], particularmente post [r]:
>arhhivo > arkivo; etiam pro exemplo h^emio > kemio, sed non equalmente
>sovente (=3Dfrequentemente) in omne parolas (pro exemplo on plus sovente
>audi le pronunciation h^aoso pro kaoso _chaos_, a causa del expressivitate
>del parola, assi como eh^o _echo_ pro le existentia del par minimal eko).
 
2. Morphologia
        =9F  minus ample uso del affixos de aspectos: ek- 'incohative',
'momentanee'; -ad- 'imperfective' es al presente usate solo pro emphasar le
repetition o duration (le phrase sequente de Zamenhof es jam clarmente
archaic: Kiam mi venis al li, li finadis sian laboron - lo que on in
esperanto contemporanee debe exprimer per 'Kiam mi venis al li, li estis
finanta sian laboron' =3D 'Quando io veniva a ille, ille era in le processo
de finir su labor').
        =9F
        =9F  plus ample uso del derivation zero (conversion): ex kant-em-a on
anteriormente derivava le nomine de qualitate kant-em-ec-o, al presente on
quasi sempre dice kant-em-o - inclination, disposition de cantar; cfr.
etiam a mal-facil-a, 'difficile' lo que anteriormente solo dava
mal-facil-ec-o 'difficultate', al presente etiam mal-facil-o
        =9F
        =9F  expressiones synthetic de loco:
        =9F  locative: sur (la) planko > surplanke 'sur le solo (del
camera'); sur (la) tero > surtere 'sur le terra'; en la trajno > entrajne
'in (le) traino'; en la akvo > enakve 'in le aqua'
        =9F
        =9F  illative: en (la) restoracion > restoracien '(a) in le
restaurante'; en/sur (la) liton > liten 'a sur/in (le) lecto; al parizo
(Parizon, en Parizon > Parizen 'movimento a /a intra Paris.
        =9F
        =9F
3.  Syntaxe
        =9F  Le uso de adjectivos como verbos in vice del construction
"copula + adj." Pro exemplo:
Tio ne estas grava. > Tio ne gravas. 'Isto non es importante' (le secunde
phrase jam es plus costumari que le prime).
La demando estas malfacila. > La demando malfacilas 'Le question es difficil=
e'.
Estas konstateble, ke... > Konstateblas, ke...
Ma plus sovente il non es possibile dicer pro exemplo:
La auto estas rugha > *La auto rughas 'Le auto es rubie' (es possibile in
un poco altere senso).
        =9F
        =9F  Uso de infinitivo post le preposition _sen_: le construction
participio-adverbial _ne vidante ghin_ subsistue _sen vidi ghin; le modello
es _por vidi gxin_; pro exemplo: _post vidi ghin_  es ancora rar
(costumariemente on usa le participio verbal: _vidinte ghin_ o un tote
proposition usante le subjunction _post kiam_).
        =9F
4. Semantica
        =9F ami 'amar, haber placer in', shati 'appreciar, reguardar como
valorose > ami 'amar', shati 'haber placer, un grande inclination a (como
un resto del ancian usage a vices on ancora incontra _alte shati_ 'multo
appreciar').
        =9F
        =9F  klopodi 'penar se, preoccupar se > peni sukcesi, provi' probar,
tentar, facer tentativos; como in le verbo _shati_ le nove signification es
syntacticamente observabile per isto que un complemento infinitival es
possibile (in le PIV on mesmo non trova un sol exemplo de _shati + inf. o
_klopodi + inf._!). Ma ante toto in le plural le substantivo 'klopodoj'
ancora significa 'penas, preoccupationes, efforcios', minus frequentemente
'probas, tentativos'.
        =9F
        =9F okazo 'occasion, occurrentia, caso (p.ex. medic, nota del
trad.)', kazo 'caso' (termino linguistic) > okazo 'occurrentia, occasion;
cazo 'caso, termino linguistic, un c. medic).
        =9F
5. Lexicon
        =9F  krokodili 'parlar un altere lingua que esperanto inter
parlatores de esperanto; le etymologia jam es incognite a parlatores
ordinari ma explicate in EVE s.v.).
        =9F  fiki 'futuer, coir' (vulg); etiam altere vocabulos quotidian,
vulgar o burlesc, pro exemplo _ge-dorm-i_ 'passar le nocte insimul pro
facer amor (le prefixo ge- originalmente era ligate solo a substantivos,
pro ex. ge-frat-o-j =3D 'fratres e sorores'.
 
Quanquam (=3Dcontrariemente al facto que...)  le communitate de
esperanto-parlantes principalmente consiste ex parlatores bilingual, al
minus le cambios ci supra ha un aspecto multo simile a tales que occurre in
communitates de parlatores native de altere linguas. Como in linguas pidgin
e creol il es le uso in le communitate (quanquam illo de esperanto es un
diaspora) que obviemente causa le cambio, non le processo de acquisition
del lingua in le infante.
 
Como Versteegh (1993) nota, le plus proxime parallelismo del apparition de
parlatores native de esperanto forsan non es le creolisation, ma le
re-nativisation del hebreo. In ambe casos il se tracta de un plenmente
intentional decision facite per le parentes con un alte conscientia
concernente le lingua. Quando le prime parlator native del hebreo moderne
nasceva in 1882, su situation era simile a illo del infantes qui acquireva
esperanto durante que su parentes de illes (=3D le parentes del infantes) no=
n
ipse maestra le lingua como parlatores native; le parve Ben-Zion Ben Yehuda
in necun manera poteva profitar del facto que le hebreo un millennio e
medio retro  jam habeva essite le lingua maternal de alcuno. Le description
per Fellman (1973:37-40) re le prime familia de lingua hebreo del epocha
moderne de facto monstras que le parentes de iste familia era in un
position considerabilemente plus pejor que le parentes esperantic del
tempore presente quanto a nomines establite pro objectos de uso quotidian o
le accesso de libros pro infantes.
 
Le cambio del stato linguistic del hebreo tamen era plus radical que illo
de esperanto, causate del un latere per le facto que un communitate
geographicamente compacte e postea etiam un stato supportava le hebreo, del
altere latere le facto que le movimento esperantista, le qual secundo su
concepto tamen non es equal al communitate de esperantophonos - neniam
reguardis le crescimento del parlatores native como le objectivo central.
In addition le revivifantos del hebreo sovente habeva le objectivo educar
su infantes como plenmente unilingual, durante que le parentes transferente
esperanto a su infantes sempre laborava verso bi- o trilingualitate.
 
=46ontes:
>Arends, Jacques & Muysken, Pieter & Smith, Norval (red.). 1995. Pidgins
>and creoles: An introduction. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
>(Creole Language Library, 15.)
>
>Aronoff, Mark (manuscripto). Natural language.
>
>Bickerton, Derek. 1981. Roots of language. Ann Arbor: Karoma.
>
>Bickerton, Derek. 1990. Language & species. Chicago & London: University
>of Chicago Press.
>
>Bickerton, Derek. 1991. On the supposed "gradualness" of creole
>development. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 6:1, pgh. 25-58.
>
>Corsetti, Renato. 1996. A mother tongue spoken mainly by fathers.
>Language Problems and Language Planning 20,3, pgh. 263-273.
>
>Duc Goninaz, Michel (red.). 1987. Studoj pri la internacia lingvo. Gent:
>AIMAV.
>
>EVE =3D Vilborg, Ebbe. 1989-. Etimologia vortaro de Esperanto I-. Malm=F6:
>Eldona Societo Esperanto.
>
>Fellman, Jack. 1973. The revival of a classical tongue: Eliezer Ben
>Yehuda and the Modern Hebrew Language. The Hague & Paris: Mouton.
>(Contributions to the Sociology of Language, 6.)
>
>Forster, Peter G. 1982. The Esperanto movement. The Hague & al.: Mouton.
>(Contributions to the Sociology of Language, 32.)
>
>Janton, Pierre. 1993. Esperanto: language, literature, and community.
>Translated and updated from the French and Esperanto versions by
>Humphrey Tonkin, Jane Edwards, and Karen Johnson-Weiner. Albany: SUNY
>Press.
>
>Jourdan, Christine. 1991. Pidgins and creoles: The blurring of
>categories. Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 20, pgh. 187-209.
>
>Jourdan, Christine & Keesing, Roger (aperonta). From Fisin to Pijin:
>Creolization in process in the Solomon Islands. Language in Society
>26,3.
>
>Lyons, John. 1991. Natural language and universal grammar. (Essays in
>linguistic theory, vol. I.) Cambridge & al.: Cambridge University Press.
>
>Pinker, Steven. 1995 (1994). The language instinct. New York: Harper
>Perennial. [Le prime edition 1994 apud W. Morrow and Co.]
>
>Piron, Claude. 1989a. A few notes on the evolution of Esperanto. Pgh.
>129-142 in Schubert (red.) 1989.
>
>Piron, Claude. 1989b. Who are the speakers of Esperanto? Pgh. 157-172 in
>Schubert (red.) 1989.
>
>PIV =3D Waringhien, Gaston (red.). 1987. Plena ilustrita vortaro de
>Esperanto. Paris: Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda. [2 edition; Le 1 edition in
>1970.]
>
>Romaine, Suzanne. 1988. Pidgin and creole languages. London & New York:
>Longman.
>
>Romaine, Suzanne. 1995. Bilingualism. [2 edition; 1 edition in 1989.]
>Oxford & Cambridge: Blackwell.
>
>Sakaguchi, Alicja. 1996. Die Dichtomie "k=FCnstlich" vs. "nat=FCrlich" und
>das historische Ph=E4nomen einer funktionierenden Plansprache. Language [Le
>dichtomia "artificial" vs. "natural" e le phenomeno historic del
>functionamento de un lingua planate],
>Problems and Language Planning 20,1, pgh. 18-38.
>
>Saunders, George. 1988. Bilingual children: From birth to teens.
>Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
>
>Schubert, Klaus. 1989. An unplanned development in planned languages: A
>study of word grammar. Pgh. 249-274 en Schubert (red.) 1989.
>
>Schubert, Klaus (red.). 1989. Interlinguistics: Aspects of the science
>of planned languages. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter. (Trends in
>Linguistics, Studies and Monographs, 42.)
>
>Versteegh, K. 1993. Esperanto as a first language: Language acquisition
>with a restricted input. Linguistics 31, pgh. 539-555.
>
>Wood, Richard. 1979. A voluntary, non-ethnic, non-territorial speech
>community. Pgh. 433-450 en W. F. Mackay & J. Omstein (red.),
>Sociolinguistic studies in language contact. The Hague & al.: Mouton.
>
>Wood, Richard. 1987. The development of standard phonology in Esperanto.
>Pgh. 58-78 en Duc Goninaz (red.) 1987.
>
>[Zamenhof, L. L.] Dr =C8speranto. 1887. Mejhdunarodnyj jazyk. Predislovie
>i polnyj ushebnik. Varshava: Tipo-Litografija H. Kel'tera. [Re-publicate
>i.a. in le "ludovikologia dokumentaro" I: Reaperigita
>i.a. en ludovikologia dokumentaro I: unuaj libroj, Kioto 1991.
Traduction a esperanto publicate in Zamenhof PV 1.]
>
>Zamenhof PV =3D in le futuro completite edition del operos complete de L. L=
=2E
>Zamenhof 1 - 10 bis, Kioto 1973-1990.
 
=46onte non-publicate
Le notas de Ian Fantom concernente le evolution lingual de su infantes. Le
infantes Gavan Fantom (GF), nasc. 19 april 1979; Rolf Fantom, nasc. 23
novembre 1980; Petra Fantom, nasc. 19 julio 1983. Usate con le affabile
permission del personas concernite.
 
 
 
Kjell [log in to unmask]
Kjell Rehnstroem
Vaenortsgatan 87
S-752 64  UPPSALA
Suedia - Sweden

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